In recent months we have written and spoken a large number of times about the strong political alliance that has been established between the administrations of the President Milei and President Trump. Both for political and ideological reasons but also, and especially, for geopolitical factors that go beyond the short and medium term.
Washington’s decision, both at the level of the permanent agencies and its political leadership, to once again give central importance to its influence and weight in the American hemisphere vis-à-vis Chinese penetration, undoubtedly stands out when seeking explanations.
It was no coincidence that shortly after Trump took office he put issues such as the Panama and Greenland Canalas well as making it clear that the Venezuelan dictatorship must come to an end. Without forgetting the punitive tariffs of 40 percent to Brazil of Lula III for his marriage with the Supreme Court in the proceedings against opponents and businessmen in the United States. As well as the withdrawal of the Visa from the majority of the judges of the court and two of the Ministers of the PT leader’s cabinet.
For now, last week’s meeting and photo of Lula and Trump has not altered that tariff punishment. The Brazilian President and his team expressed that they have no influence over the Supreme Court.
Trump and especially Rubio, in his dual role as Secretary of State and National Security Advisor, do not seem to believe him. The fact that more than two-thirds of the judges in this area have been appointed by Lula and the last to join was the Brazilian president’s personal lawyer and until a few months ago his Minister of Justice, gives ample room for skepticism.
It is also worth mentioning the cancellation of Visas to Petro and part of his team in Colombia. From now on the oldest military deployment in decades in the Caribbean with a focus on Venezuela and the authorization for intelligence to operate on a large scale in the bowels of the regime, is the most compelling example of everything mentioned at the “sticks” level. If we talk about “carrots”, Argentina steals the show. The swap for 20 billion dollars, the intervention for 2 billion dollars in the exchange market and the next announcement of tariff benefits are parts of that overwhelming menu.
But let us now return to the core of the title of this note. There is little doubt that any Argentine who has had the fortune of having had a good training in history and economics during his school and university years, remembers well the various analyzes on the serious achievements that the end of british hegemony after the First World War and the rise of the United States as the main world power after 1918 and even more so after 1945.
Unlike the United Kingdom, the new hegemon did not need our meat and grains. Which he produced on an infinitely larger scale. Perhaps one of the most important processes, and for now not sufficiently observed and analyzed, is that this factual data from the last 80 to 90 years seems to be beginning to mutate. Step by step, Argentina begins to be seen as a growing source of energy such as gas and oilfrom minerals such as lithiumand in the near future copper and rare earth.
Without forgetting cold spaces with energy available for the establishment of hubs. artificial intelligence. Also as a strategic point for future exploitation of the Antarctica and safe passages through the straits that connect the Atlantic and Pacific. In other words, the rapprochement between the United States and Argentina is destined to have deeper roots than personal and ideological affinities between their leaders and national security considerations.
Market forces and supply and demand are called to play a central role. Perhaps in a not too distant time, Argentine history manuals and texts should add a new and relevant chapter to their analyzes and descriptions.
For at least 50 years, Argentines, regardless of their ideology and religion, have taken refuge in the dollar as a savings currency and for the purchase of property and cars as well as investments.
The second language in schools of various social levels is English. Our young and not so young spend a substantial part of their lives on social networks and portals originating in the US. Not to mention smartphones and tablets.
In other words, Argentines from across the political spectrum have a silent and individual alliance with the US. Perhaps it is time for foreign policy and political leadership to assume that reality beyond the fireworks of discursive artifice.
