Shortly after assuming the position of the head of the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights (Minjusdh), it was learned that Eduardo Arana maintained a link with the leaders of the ‘White Collars’: César Hinostroza and Walter Ríos.
These links were put back on the table after learning that there would be more than 180 calls recorded between Arana and Ríos between 2011 and 2018according to a program report Fourth Power, Sunday of America Television.
The lifting of the secrecy of Arana’s communications also exposed contacts with other figures investigated or prosecuted for corruption, including Jimmy García Ruiz, former president of the Superior Court of Justice of Lambayeque, sentenced in 2023 to 11 years in prison for influence peddling and personal cover-up.
Between 2016 and 2017, Arana would have made at least 83 calls with García when he held the position of senior judge of Justice of Lima Este. In addition, six calls were recorded with Alberto Orlando Rossel Alvaradoformer senior prosecutor of Lima Norte, arrested in 2019 along with the former premier Cesar Villanueva within the framework of Odebrecht case.
These findings have fueled speculation about Arana’s role within Dina Boluarte’s government, with analysts such as Enrique Valderrama suggesting that His connections could be seen as an advantage for an Executive facing multiple judicial processes.
Valderrama indicated that “The fame that accompanies Arana is not good at all”, and stated that the president could be looking for “leverage” their links in the justice system. In a similar vein, Jose Carlos Requena He stressed that Arana’s knowledge of the judicial systemIt makes it a key piece for a “judicialized” government.
On the other hand, the disclosed recordings also reinforce the perception that Arana acts as a close advisor to Boluarte, and could even be emerging as the next president of the Council of Ministers.
A few days ago, former Prime Minister Alberto Otárola, during an interview in Willaxdescribed it as a “shadow premier”, hinting that his influence on government decisions could surpass that of other ministers. These statements were previously reinforced by audios attributed to the Minister of the Interior, Juan José Santiváñez, where Arana is also indicated as a direct advisor to the president.
Suspicions about Arana’s ties to the ‘White Collars‘ are intensified when remembering that, in 2018, when he was running for councilor in San Isidro, he maintained contact with figures such as Willian Quiroz Salazar, senior member of the Cono Norte, who was accused by drug trafficker Gerson Gálvez Calle, alias “Caracol”, of carrying out alleged coordination for judicial favors. The communications with Quiroz occurred between 2013 and 2014, reinforcing the perception of a network of contacts in the judiciary.
Arana, for his part, has categorically denied the accusations. During a press conference after the Council of Ministers, he dismissed rumors about his role as “shadow premier” and reiterated his commitment to transparency. “We all walk with complete tranquility in the sun of democracy. “There are no such statements,” he declared. However, the impact of the revelations continues to raise questions about the extent of his influence and his role in the cabinet.
The context is also framed in a climate of political tension within the Executive. Otárola, who also accused Arana of being part of a “criminal organization” within the government, suggested that these networks could be behind rumors that affected his relationship with Boluarte. “I believe that this story was created by Morgan Quero or Nicanor Boluarte to separate me from the president’s environment,” he declared.
In this scenario, the possibility of Arana assuming the presidency of the Council of Ministers raises a series of questions about the government’s strategy in the face of the ongoing judicial processes.
