Galaxy poll: 51 to 49 for Federal Labor in Qld

Bryan · Monday 29 September 2008 · 1:17 am

Today’s Courier Mail reports on a Galaxy poll of 800 Queenslanders on the evenings of 24-25 September. It found a small boost in the attitudinals for Malcolm Turnbull, compared with a late June poll and the performance of Brendan Nelson.

On the key question of who was the better economic manager, Labor holds a lead of 50 per cent compared with 40 per cent for the Coalition. In June, when Dr Nelson was Opposition Leader, the Labor lead was 53 per cent to 37 per cent.

On the preferred prime minister stakes, Mr Rudd is well ahead of Mr Turnbull with 57 per cent support compared to 34 per cent.

But Mr Turnbull is performing much better than Dr Nelson, who often slipped into single digits when compared with Mr Rudd in national polls.

House bias

Bryan · Saturday 27 September 2008 · 8:57 pm

Over at Pollytics, the Possum is maintaining some combined polling charts to map the fortunes of Labor and the Coalition as we move inexorably to the 2010 Federal election. I suspect the Possum would argue that weighting and pooling a number of polls creates a virtual super poll, with a much larger sample size, and consequently, a smaller margin of error. At one level I agree with the Possum. It is not an unreasonable approach to take, and (albeit more sophisticated) statistical meta analyses are widely used in medicine and education to combine the results of independent statistical studies. I used pooled polls on Oz Politics in the lead up to the 2007 election.

Nonetheless, there is a very big caution that goes with this approach. Systemic biases are not controlled when individual surveys are combined. As a result, the appearance of improved accuracy from pooling may be misleading. For example, if one pollster regularly and systemically over-states the Coalition’s two-party preferred vote; adding that pollster into a pooled poll detracts from the accuracy of the pooled poll.

This brings us to a key question: Are there significant systemic biases that would invalidate the potential for improved accuracy from pooling opinion polls? In my view, the answer is unequivocal: Yes! And because there are systemic biases between pollsters, pooled opinion polling is problematic. But before we get to the meaning of problematic, let’s look at the evidence for systemic biases.

Simon Jackman studied the house bias of the polling companies in the lead up to the 2004 election. His work is published as “Pooling the Polls Over an Election Campaign”, Australian Journal of Political Science, 2005, V40(4):499-517. There is a related slide presentation here. Jackman found that in the four months prior to the 2004 election Morgan typically under-estimated coalition support by 4.7 percentage points. In the lead-up to the 2004 election, Newspoll was estimated to have 2.7 percentage point bias towards Labor. Galaxy and Nielsen were estimated to have negligible biases (in the sense that their bias parameters can not be distinguished from zero).

If the polling companies did not suffer from systemic bias, you would expect their polls to track close together, and to be above one another as often as they were below. Yet, if we look at the next three graphs from the archives at Oz Politics, you can see that over time Newspoll consistently tracks to the political-right of Morgan. The track for ACNielsen, is a little more interesting to examine and consider; I won’t go into it here.

Newspoll Morgan and ACNielsen: 2002 to 2004

Opinion polls: Coalition two-party preferred vote moving average

Labor's two party preferred vote share

Over recent elections, Morgan appears to have had a systemic, left-leaning bias in comparison with the other pollsters; and in comparison with the final election results. In 2008, Morgan’s relative-left bias remains in respect of the other pollsters. However, with the departure of John Howard it is a little more difficult to assert with confidence that Morgan has a left-leaning bias compared to the general population. (For example, it is possible to hypothesise that Morgan’s bias stemmed from a social undesirability associated with revealing a voting preference for John Howard. If this hypothesis is true — something I can neither prove or disprove — then the recent polling data may indicate a systemic right-leaning in Newspoll and ACNielsen over the first nine months of 2008).

One last thing I need to clear up; the systemic house biases we are talking about are not intended by the pollsters. I believe every pollster is more interested in getting an accurate population prediction than spinning for one political party or another. The biases are the result of systemic factors. They come about from the myriad of little differences in the way the pollsters do their job. There are many possible sources of systemic biases: the way in which the sample is selected; the use of a phone interview versus face to face interviews; the order in which questions are asked; the way in which questions are asked; the time of day and the day of the week when surveys are conducted; the post interview weighting of responses from cohort slices; and so on. They are insidiously difficult to identify and root out from the survey process.

Conclusions: We cannot conclusively unravel which pollster is biased in respect of the general population as we head for the 2010 election. But we can conclude that significant systemic house biases exist between the pollsters and that these systemic biases are of a magnitude that they would invalidate any improvements in accuracy that might otherwise come from pooled opinion polling.

Where does this leave us? I suspect it means that while the shape and trend direction of the pooled polls is interesting; the nominal prediction is no where near as reliable as the pooled margin of error would suggest. Furthermore, the pooled poll may well be less accurate than at least one of the individual polls contributing to the pool. Depending on your political persuasion, pooled polling may offer false succour or cause excessive despondency.

Personally, I find the smoothed trends for the individual pollsters more informative, than a weighted combined poll. With an understanding of the systemic differences between the pollsters, and their performance at previous elections, I can make an informed judgment on the actual population parameter in respect of voting intentions.

Morgan phone poll: 57-43

Bryan · 7:34 pm

Yesterday Morgan released its phone poll of 575 people on 24-25 September. The key prediction was a landslide for Labor.

I am not sure what to make of Morgan’s limited data release associated with this poll.

Newspoll 55-45; ACNielsen 52-48 in Labor’s favour

Bryan · Monday 22 September 2008 · 7:16 am

Typically, large poll bounces following the change of an opposition leader require three things:

  1. an unpopular government;
  2. an unpopular outgoing opposition leader; and
  3. a new opposition leader that excites.

In the past, large bounces associated with incoming opposition leaders met these criteria (for example, when Rudd replaced Beazley Mk II against the backdrop of the last year of the Howard Government).

The Brendan Nelson to Malcolm Turnbull change does not satisfy all of the criteria for a large poll bounce. Unquestionably, Nelson was an unpopular outgoing opposition leader. It is arguable that Turnbull is a new opposition leader that excites. But Rudd and his government are a long way from being an unpopular.

Not surprisingly, therefore, today’s bounce associated with the ascension of Turnbull is small: three two-party preferred percentage points with ACNielsen, and one point with Newspoll (which is not statistically significant).

Interestingly, the largest bounce appears to have occurred against ACNielsen’s attitudinal question on who would be your preferred prime minister.

ACNielsen: Better Prime Minister

The full set of graphs will become available here, when the full polling results are released.

Updated Sawford formula

Bryan · Saturday 20 September 2008 · 2:53 pm

The Sawford formula states that if two or more of the unemployment, inflation and interest rates rise over a full, three-year electoral cycle, the government will lose. Conversely, if two or more fall the government will be returned.

I now have a page on the Sawford formula as we track towards the 2010 Federal election. It includes some pretty graphs.