Howard played poker with Bush and won the bluff

Bryan · Wednesday 22 December 2004 · 11:49 am

The invasion of Iraq by the coalition of the willing was and is a foreign policy fiasco. While the war in Afghanistan was a direct and proportionate response to the events of 11 September 2001, the war in Iraq had little to do with Al-Qaeda and reducing the risks of world terrorism. The Iraq campaign was ill-considered.

In that will-we-won’t-we hiatus between September 2002 and March 2003 I recall an American commentator said something like, ‘America will win the war easily; the difficulty will be winning the peace.’ At the time those words resonated with me, and now they seem prophetic. The feared Vietnam-like quagmire now seems close to inevitable. The fatality count grows for the Americans and an exit strategy remains elusive.

Also, at the time, I considered the decision of the Howard government to join the coalition of the willing to have been the worst of his Prime Ministership. It was a decision I could not comprehend, and one which I considered morally reprehensible. In my mind it was not a just war and Australia should not support it.

Oh sure, Saddam Hussein was a tyrant, and his removal may well serve the greater good, but he was not Robinson Crusoe. Of necessity, world peace requires us to accept international arrangements we would not tolerate in Australia. As for the dream of democratising the Middle East: it is a fantasy. The necessary economic and worldview preconditions do not exist. The ethnic and religious divisions within Iraq and the wider region are almost insurmountable.

Notwithstanding the above, I have reassessed Howard’s decision to join the coalition of the willing. My reassessment is not of merits of the most recent Iraq war, but of Howard’s decision to support Bush. In retrospect I consider it to have been clever, tactical decision – albeit in a way I did not perceive at the time.

So what is the basis of my reassessment?

By September 2002, the Australian Government would have concluded that America was implacably committed to invading Iraq. There would have been no doubt in this assessment. An astute reader may point out that America did not formally decide to invade Iraq until 6 months later. True. However, diplomatic assessments revolve around discerning the real intention of a foreign government, not reiterating its espoused intentions. The coded American intention was clearly flagged. There was not doubt that America was gearing up for an inevitable war.

For as long as America was undecided on a war with Iraq, the logical and right thing for Australia was to point out the flaws with the proposed approach. But once it had determined that America was committed to the war, that course of action would be detrimental to Australia’s interests. At that point Australia would not and could not change America’s mind. But Australia could lose if it stood in the way of the American super-power.

In September 2002, Howard had a choice, he could play populist local politics and (like France and Germany) stand against the war in Iraq, or he could use the American commitment to advance Australia’s international interests. I believe Howard chose the latter course.

Howard’s decision to join the coalition of the willing has been portrayed as sycophancy, but I have come to the conclusion it was much more tactical. His commitment of Australian troops was modest, and in the most-part only for the duration of the shooting-war. He has largely left the more difficult task of winning the peace to the other coalition members. Furthermore, whether by good luck or good management, Howard has achieved the appearance of a larger commitment without an Australian troop fatality and minimal casualties.

While France and Germany have had to enure the winter of America’s discontent since 2002, Australia has basked in the sunshine of America’s pleasure. The Australian-US Free Trade Agreement (FTA) would not have been possible without Australia’s commitment to the recent war in Iraq. We paid a small price for what in the long-term should be a great prize.

Some at this point may argue that I am celebrating Howard’s decision to put aside morality and ethics to act expediently in Australia’s interests. Some may even describe my analysis of Howard’s actions as moral prostitution or of the FTA as thirty pieces of silver.

However, I think such criticisms are naive. Moral purity and outrage is vanity. A government should be interested in outcomes for its population before it is interested in maintaining its image. While I believe in principled actions I am not a fundamentalist on the subject. There are occasional times when governments should put aside principle for pragmatism.

So long as Australia could dissuade America from a poor course of action, that should have been her objective. But there was a point of no return. A point where America had made her decision and nothing Australia could say would change that. At that point, a reassessment was called for: a reassessment that acknowledged America’s actions are not in the world’s best interests, but which also acknowledged blanket opposition to America’s decision is not in Australia’s best interests.

I suspect Howard made such a reassessment. He sought to make the most from a classic lose-lose situation. Whatever Howard did would damn him. And in the face of this dilemma, Howard chose real outcomes for Australians over the moral vanity of opposition to the United States. Furthermore, Howard did the minimum possible to sign up with George Bush. He ensured Australia had a quick exit strategy from the subsequent imbroglio. And with the FTA, he ensured Australia was well paid for her troubles. He made the proverbial silk purse from a sow’s ear.

While I remain opposed to Bush’s decision to engage in warfare against Iraq, I find things I respect in Howard’s decision to support Bush. Howard played poker with Bush, and won the bluff. He spent the winnings on Australia’s future.

Newspoll

Bryan · Tuesday 21 December 2004 · 9:01 am

Another Newspoll and the post election honeymoon is beginning to evaporate.

On a two-party preferred basis, Labor has recovered from a devastating 10-point gap two weeks ago to claw back to its election position of 48 per cent compared with the Coalition’s 52 per cent.

The primary vote demonstrated a similar trend. The Coalition is on 46 per cent (steady) and Labor is on 39 per cent (up six points from last fortnight).

A touch of the Democrats

Bryan · Sunday 19 December 2004 · 4:28 am

In yesterday’s Age, Shaun Carney wrote on the problems of the Labor Party being bigger than Mark Latham. His thesis was that Labor’s main problem is that too few Australians are interested in identifying themselves as Labor voters.

It was an interesting if not remarkable read. Yet one paragraph leapt out.

The former Labor Senate leader John Button, in an article contained in a Fabian Society booklet released this week, paints a similar picture of an inward-looking, largely inbred organisation. “Just under half the membership of the ALP in Victoria live in eight inner-suburban seats. It’s a good place to watch trams but not the lives of the average Australian,” Button writes.

I was gob smacked. Just under half the membership of the Labor Party in Victoria live in eight inner-suburban seats. In rough terms, half the membership lives among one fifth of Victoria’s population.

And then it dawned on me: The Labor Party could face a similar juxtaposition of structure and ideology that led to the downfall of the Australian Democrats.

The Australian Democrats was formed in 1977 by Don Chipp, a former-Liberal member of the House of Representatives and former Minister. The centrepiece of the Australian Democrats structure was its commitment to internal party democracy. It instituted mechanisms to give the membership a real say on policies and directions. The members elect the parliamentary leader and they vote on the party’s policies.

Ideologically, the party initially positioned itself between Liberal and Labor: a mix of responsible economic policy and progressive social policy. In the 1990s it expanded its membership through a series of recruitment drives in Australia’s universities. This had the effect of shifting the membership of the Democrats to the left of the Labor party. The membership was no longer centrist in orientation.

What the Democrat membership failed to appreciate was that its voter base included a large proportion of centrists who held to the original Don Chipp ideology. Electoral success depended on keeping these voters within the tent.

The problems for the Democrats became evident with the resignation of centrist Meg Lees as party leader in April 2001. She was challenged by the left in the party over her support for the goods and services tax, and her willingness to at least consider a fully privatised Telstra. Lees resigned as party leader when a leadership spill was initiated by a membership petition with just 100 signatures.

The new leftist party leader, Natasha Stott Despoja, was supposed to reinvigorate the party. However, she lost electoral ground in the 2001 election after a lacklustre campaign performance. The centrists had their revenge in 2002 and Stott Despoja was toppled as party leader in 2002. But it was a pyrrhic victory for the centrists. Stott Despoja was replaced with another leader from the left.

By 2004 the party was a farce. The Democrats failed to win any Senate seats in the 2004 Federal election and, short of a miracle of biblical proportions, it will be eliminated from the Senate come July 2008.

What is the relevance of this Democrat tragedy for Labor?

First of all, let’s look at structure. When it was formed in the late nineteenth century the Labor Party wanted to keep its parliamentary representatives responsible to the broader labour movement. It did this through the pledge, the power of caucus over the cabinet, and the policymaking role of the state and federal conferences. While not as ‘democratic’ as the Australian Democrats, the membership of the Australian Labor Party exercises significant influence over its parliamentarians – much more so than the Liberal party of Australia.

The second parallel with the Democrats is the left leaning nature of the party’s membership. Half the membership of the Labor Party in Victoria live in eight inner-suburban seats This statistic says one thing. The Labor Party has been commandeered by the latte left. It has been captured by chardonnay socialists (who, for the record, have all moved on to sauvignon blanc).

While the Labor Party has become left of centre in the orientation of its membership, it can only win government if it presents its self as a responsible, middle of the road, party. If the party membership do not recognise this simple truth, it could well use its structures to bind its parliamentarians to the same electoral oblivion as the Australian Democrats.

While my analysis may differ a little, I agree with Shaun Carney: the problems of the Labor Party are much bigger than Mark Latham.

Kruddy polls for Latham

Bryan · Tuesday 7 December 2004 · 5:48 am

Today’s Oz has the Newspoll results from last weekend.

John Howard now has his biggest lead over Mr Latham as preferred prime minister - 60 per cent to 25 per cent - and for the first time more voters are dissatisfied with the Opposition Leader than satisfied - 46 per cent to 38 per cent.

Labor’s primary vote has slumped from 38 per cent two weeks ago to just 33 per cent - the lowest since the middle of last year under Simon Crean.

On a two-party-preferred basis, the Coalition’s lead lifted to 55 per cent, against Labor’s 45 per cent.

The Coalition’s primary vote at the election was 46.7 per cent, compared with Labor’s 37.6 per cent, and the two-party-preferred difference was 52.8 to 47.2 per cent.

The conventional wisdom is that you need a primary vote above 40 per cent to win government. At 33 per cent, Latham’s leadership is looking close to terminal. He may enjoy Christmas in the job. However without a yuletide miracle, rumours of a February reassessment within caucus cannot be dismissed.

Last Thursday I was challenged to name a field of three for the post-Latham Labor leadership. I can only see one seriously electable candidate: Kevin Rudd. I was pushed to name another two and responded with Stephen Smith and Kim Beazley. Yet, I do not believe either has a snow flake’s chance in hell of beating the incumbent. (As for Wayne Swan, he might as well change his surname to King).

It looks like I am not Robinson Crusoe. Those unlikely bedfellows Phillip Adams and Greg Sheridan agree with me on Rudd.