The 2004 election was a disaster for Australia’s major polling organisations. While Newspoll and Morgan did passably on predicting the primary vote (Coalition 46.70 to Labor 37.64 per cent), they got it completely wrong on the two party preferred splits. The final two-party preferred result (Coalition 52.74 to Labor 47.26 per cent) was out side of the margin of error for their predictions.
The other big error from Morgan and Newspoll was their prediction the Greens would get a 12 per cent vote in the Senate. As it turns out, the Greens only got 7.5 per cent. But we will leave the analysis of that one for another time.
ACNielsen was within the margin of error for its two party prediction, but it was outside on its Coalition primary vote.
Galaxy got the closest, even though it had a small sample size and therefore a wide margin of error. I am not sure if it was beginners luck or a better methodology.
Anyway, Morgan suggested it failed the two party preferred result because the way in which people said they would cast their preferences differed from what they actually voted. According to Morgan, more people followed the how to vote card rather than voting according to their stated preferences.
The following table presents the four opinion polls immediately prior to the 2004 election. For each, the way in which preferences were allocated to derive a two-party preferred prediction is noted in the rows % residual vote to Coalition, and % residual vote to Labor. For reference purposes the opinion poll results are compared with the last four Federal elections.
| |
ACNielsen |
Galaxy |
Newspoll |
Morgan |
2004 Election |
2001 Election |
1998 Election |
1996 Election |
| Poll date |
5-7 Oct 2004 |
5-6 Oct 2004 |
6-7 Oct 2004 |
7-8 Oct 2004 |
9 Oct 2004 |
10 Nov 2001 |
3 Oct 1998 |
2 Mar 1996 |
| % Primary Coalition vote |
49 |
46 |
45 |
45.5 |
46.7 |
43.0 |
39.5 |
47.3 |
| % Primary Labor vote |
37 |
39 |
39 |
38.5 |
37.6 |
37.8 |
40.1 |
38.8 |
| % Total major party primary vote |
86 |
85 |
84 |
84 |
84.3 |
80.9 |
79.6 |
86.0 |
| % Residual primary vote |
14 |
15 |
16 |
16 |
15.7 |
19.2 |
20.4 |
14.0 |
| % TPP Coalition vote |
54 |
52 |
50 |
49 |
52.7 |
51.0 |
49.0 |
53.6 |
| % TPP Labor vote |
46 |
48 |
50 |
51 |
47.3 |
49.0 |
51.0 |
46.4 |
| % residual vote to Coalition |
36 |
40 |
31 |
22 |
38.6 |
41.6 |
46.7 |
45.4 |
| % residual vote to Labor |
64 |
60 |
69 |
78 |
61.4 |
58.4 |
53.3 |
54.6 |
| Sample size |
2029 |
1200 |
2500 |
1311 |
N/A |
N/A |
N/A |
N/A |
Compared with the other pollsters, it appears that Galaxy had a better handle on how the preferences would flow.
Of note is the declining Coalition share of preferences from those people voting for minor parties and independents in the House of Representatives. It has fallen from a peak of 48 per cent in 1998 to a low of 39 per cent in 2004.
Nonetheless, alarm bells should have been ringing at Newspoll and Morgan with their predictions of 31 and 22 per cent. These figures were implausibly low, particularly Morgan’s. While Morgan did well on predicting the primary vote, it did poorest on the allocation of preferences from those people who did not vote for the Coalition or Labor. That is where it lost the plot.
Morgan has sought to address this problem in the four opinion polls it has released since the 2004 election (see next table). It now publishes two, two-party preferred predictions. The first is based on how people say they will allocate their preference votes. The second is based on the actual distribution of preferences from the 2004 election. In the next table you can see that those polled by Morgan continue to favour Labor with their preferences at a higher rate than at the last election.
| Morgan Polls |
Preferences distributed by how electors say they will vote |
Preferences distributed by how electors voted at the 2004 election |
| Coalition |
Labor |
Coalition |
Labor |
| October 30/31 & November 6/7, 2004 |
50.5 |
49.5 |
50.5 |
49.5 |
| November 13/14 & 20/21, 2004 |
50 |
50 |
50.5 |
49.5 |
| November 27/28 & December 4/5, 2004 |
52.5 |
47.5 |
53 |
47 |
| December 11/12 & 18/19, 2004 |
51 |
49 |
52.5 |
47.5 |
This prompted me to consider how Newspoll was performing in terms of its allocation of preferences since the Federal election. The results are set out in the next table. I have also included the four Morgan polls since the election, using Morgan’s two-party preferred result based on the distribution by how electors say they will vote.
|
Morgan |
Morgan |
Morgan |
Morgan |
Newspoll |
Newspoll |
Newspoll |
| Poll date |
30-31 Oct, 6-7 Nov 2004 |
13-14, 20-21 Nov 2004 |
27-28 Nov, 4-5 Dec 2004 |
11-12, 18-19 Dec 2004 |
19-21 Nov 2004 |
3-5 Dec 2004 |
17-19 Dec 2004 |
| % Primary Coalition vote |
44.5 |
44 |
46.5 |
45.5 |
46 |
47 |
46 |
| % Primary Labor vote |
39.5 |
39 |
36 |
36.5 |
38 |
33 |
39 |
| % Total major party primary vote |
84 |
83 |
82.5 |
82 |
84 |
80 |
85 |
| % Residual primary vote |
16 |
17 |
17.5 |
18.0 |
16 |
20 |
15 |
| % TPP Coalition vote |
50.5 |
50 |
52.5 |
51 |
53 |
55 |
52 |
| % TPP Labor vote |
49.5 |
50 |
47.5 |
49 |
47 |
45 |
48 |
| % residual vote to Coalition |
38 |
35 |
34.3 |
30.6 |
44 |
40 |
40 |
| % residual vote to Labor |
63 |
65 |
65.7 |
69.4 |
56 |
60 |
60 |
The first thing to note is that while Morgan begins the period with a similar preference flow to that which occurred during the election, it develops a pro-Labor bias quite quickly. This prompted me to wonder whether this is an explanation for the apparent pro-Labor bias in Morgan polls over the past three years that we have discussed previously. If I get the time, I will investigate this further tomorrow.
Interestingly, Newspoll does not show this trend to the same degree as Morgan. Each of the three Newspolls have a stronger Coalition preference flow than occurred at the last Federal election. [Update: that Newspoll does not show this trend is not surprising. Newspoll allocates preferences for the first two years in the election cycle based on preference flows at the last election. It is only in the lead up to the next federal election that Newspoll asks its respondents questions about their preference intentions.]
In summary, the major opinion polls performed poorly last election because they did a poor job of predicating preference flows from those people who voted for a minor party or independents. My preliminary investigations suggest that Morgan has a greater problem in this regard compared with Newspoll. If this trend is evident over the past three years data, it may go some-way to explaining the pro-Labor bias in Morgan polls between the 2001 and 2004 elections.