Equity

Bryan · Monday 8 November 2004 · 9:29 pm

There was a policy conflict in the 2004 federal election campaign that I was a little surprised no one picked up.

Mark Latham announced a health policy and an education policy that had different and conflicting equity goals. Yet both were argued for by Labor on the basis they would promote fairness and equity. For health, Latham argued the government should fund all Australians regardless of their capacity to pay for health services. For education, he argued the government should fund according to need, taking direct account of the capacity of individuals to pay for private education services.

It was a minor nuance, but it reminded me of a chapter in one of my all-time-favourite books on policy: Deborah A Stone’s Policy Paradox and Political Reason, published by Harper Collins Publishers in 1988.

Stone makes the observation that the fair and equitable distribution of goods and services, wealth and income, and opportunity and disadvantage are at the heart of all public policy controversies. Every policy issue involves the distribution of something. Debates on equity and fairness are especially rampant in the area of social policy.

To exemplify the problem with defining equity, Stone imagines that she has a delicious bittersweet chocolate cake that she will distribute equally to her students. The obvious solution is to count the students, cut the cake into that number of equal sized portions, and then pass the slices out. However, not everyone agreed with Stone’s definition of equity. Briefly, the objections were as follows.

First, some said it was unfair to the students who did not attend the class. Those who skipped the class and those who did not take the class (but would have had they known cake would be provided) claim that her approach involved equal slices but unequal invitations.

Second, after the class, when Stone returned to the faculty staff room, she was assailed by her colleagues who argued that in future her cake should be distributed according to the structure of the department:


Undergraduate students: crumbs
Postgraduate students: a single mouthful
Tutors: slivers
Lecturers: wedges
Professors: wedges with extra frosting
Dean of Faculty: wedge with extra frosting and a linen napkin

This solution might be described as unequal slices for unequal ranks, but equal slices for equal ranks.

Third, the male students in the class staged a protest. They argued that women have always had greater access to chocolate cake than men. Girls are taught to bake where as boys are forced to play football. Furthermore, cake is more likely to be served in classes taught by women, and proportionately more women attend such classes. The men insist future cakes should first be divided in half, and then the men (who make up a third of the class), share one half and the women can share the other half. Unequal slices but equal blocks.

Fourth, some of the students noted that they had just had lunch together immediately before the class, but they had not had dessert. During the lunch some students had two prawn cocktails while others got none. These students suggested it would be equitable if those who did not get a prawn cocktail got a larger slice of the chocolate cake. This solution might be called unequal slices but equal meals.

Fifth, some students said they did not have the crucial gene to metabolise chocolate. While they wanted to taste the cake, they thought it better if they only got a small slice, while the others who could fully appreciate the cake got a big slice. Unequal slices but equal value.

Sixth, the jocks in the class did not want complicated solutions. They suggested that everyone should be given a fork and allowed to go for it. Unequal slices (hunks) but equal starting resources.

Seventh, a maths whiz proposed that the cake should not be divided. Rather he proposed that everyone’s name should be put in a hat, one name should be drawn at random, and the winner should be given the whole cake. Unequal slices but equal statistical chances.

Finally, the political science students in the class suggested that there should be an election for the official position of cake eater. The only fair way to decide who eats the cake is to give everyone a vote. They wanted unequal slices but equal votes.

Yes, as an example, it is a little far fetched. Yet, across the spectrum of policy problems in Australia each of these definitions of fairness and equity is used.

There are many examples where it is argued that equality does not mean the same slice for everyone, but the equality of something else. Few argue that it is fair for all workers to be paid the same hourly wage, regardless of the type of work they do. Most Australians readily accept the notion of unequal salaries for different jobs. Few would disagree that surgeons should be paid more than street sweeps.

Similarly, few of us believe that everyone should be taxed the same amount, regardless of out income or capacity to pay. Or that the government should fund education at the same flat per student rate for every student regardless of the school the student attends and regardless of the parent’s capacity to contribute to the cost of their child’s schooling.

As Stone notes, there are always several defensible but competing views of the single policy goal of equity. Simple prescriptions such as “equal opportunity for all” or “treat like cases alike” are glib slogans that mask the dilemmas of distributive justice.

An Australian Republic

Bryan · Saturday 6 November 2004 · 9:11 pm

I was surprised this morning when I read that it was five years since the failed referendum to establish an Australian Republic [here and here]. I did not realise it was so long ago. I have been dwelling on this most of the day, sad reflections on what might have been.

I have been an advocate of an Australian republic for many years. I want to remove the Queen of the United Kingdom for our constitutional arrangements. I want this not because I want to reform our system of government, but because I believe it would better symbolise our evolution as a nation.

In the lead up to the republic referendum I responded to the “if it ain’t broke don’t fix it” argument as follows

This is the weakest argument in the no case. The current system is broken. It no longer sustains the imagination nor fires the national soul. It suffers a crisis of legitimisation. As time goes on, respect for the monarchy cannot be expected to underpin or provide stability for our system of government. No longer can an Australian Prime Minister say of Queen without exposing himself to public ridicule, “I did but see her passing by, and yet I love her till I die”.

Our Head of State should be an Australian and represent Australia, our national unity and values of freedom, tolerance and a fair go. As it stands today, no Australian, no matter how clever they are or how hard they work will ever be Australia’s Head of State.

One of the key roles played by the Head of State is to represent the nation and its people on the international stage. Although Queen Elizabeth is admired and respected by Australians, she is not an Australian and does not live here. She is seen around the world as the Queen of England. When she visits other countries she does so as the British Head of State and promotes British interests.

The notions of hereditary, primogeniture, sexual discrimination and religious discrimination inherent in the succession of the throne have no place in Australia’s democratic and egalitarian society.

The British monarchy is irrelevant to most Australians and can no longer sustain national pride nor embody our national identity. The most compelling evidence of this is the Prime Minister’s alacrity in working to ensure our Head of State is absent when Australia hosts the Olympic games. Even the monarchists are embarrassed at the thought of the Queen opening the Sydney 2000 Olympic Games.

In opinion polls, it is evident that most Australians would prefer an Australian Head of State to the monarchy.

I can see no reason to change my view, even if the Queen has changed hers. Up until October 1999, the Queen’s web site described her as Australia’s Head of State. However, in the lead up to the Australian republic referendum her web site was changed so that the Queen is now described as Australia’s Sovereign. Not even the monarchists can bear to describe her as Australia’s Head of State.

But the way forward will not be easy. While the majority of Australians are republicans, there are divergent views among their number. On the one hand we have the minimalist republicans: those who simply want to delete the Queen from the constitution, formalise the Governor-General as head of state, and upgrade his title to President of Australia. On the other hand there are the advocates for a directly elected president who would not vote for a minimalist model. Work is needed to address these differences of view before a successful referendum can be put to the Australian people.

The recent report of the Senate Legal and Constitutional References Committee, The road to a republic, sets out a sensible and practical three-step pathway to build consensus towards an agreed referendum proposal.

  1. The first step is a compulsory vote, asking whether Australia should become a republic with an Australian Head of State, separating from the British monarchy.
  1. If the majority are in favour of Australia becoming a republic, there would be a second vote to ask what type of republic Australia should become. This would be a preferential vote, where voters would rank the following options for appointing the Head of State:
    • appointment by Prime Minister
    • appointment by a two-thirds majority of a joint sitting of federal parliament
    • appointment by an electoral college, which has been elected on the same basis as the Senate
    • direct election of parliament’s candidates, with powers of head of state to be codified
    • direct election by the people, with powers of head of state to be codified
  1. In the third stage, a drafting Convention would develop the details of the model selected by the voters, and it would then be put to the Australian people in a referendum.

Lets hope we do not need to wait too long for this process to get under way.

House of Representatives round up

Bryan · Thursday 4 November 2004 · 8:30 pm

On Tuesday we identified a dearth of predictive talent for the Senate. Today we consider the question: How did the pundits perform with the House of Representatives? But before we consider the pundits, lets reacquaint ourselves with the result.

  Coalition Labor Green Independent
(Notional) Old: 83 63 1 3
New: 87 60 0 3

The champion’s ribbon goes to Peter Brent, the host of Mumble election site. Peter nailed it on 6 October 2004. Well done!

My own performance was not on the mark, but better than most commentators.

  Coalition Labor Green Independent
Seats 83 64 0 3

William Bowe (aka the pollbludger) did just a touch worse than me.

  Coalition Labor Green Independent
Seats 79 68 0 3

Charles Richardson at Crikey did a touch worse still.

  Coalition Labor Green Independent
Seats 77 70 0 3

And then we come to some of the funnier predictions.

Almost all of the pundits at inside politics got it wrong. Most predicted a swing against the government, not a swing to the government.

Green/Labor by 14 - Sven
ALP by 25 - Tropic
ALP by 22 - astronaut
ALP by 18 - Tobe
ALP by 17 - aus_guy_76
ALP by 15 - ryttu3k
ALP by 13 - ITTG
ALP by 12 - Arwon
ALP by 10 - Millenial
ALP by 9 - Phoenix, mr_climbatize
ALP by 8 - Biff, the Farmer
ALP by 7 - Terje
ALP by 6 with 1 GRN - hugorune
ALP by 6 - AF
ALP by 5 - Botany Whig, DeVoy, Barcarised
ALP by 5 with no clear majority (4 INDs and a GRN) - Wook
ALP by 4 - Daviel X
Hung Parliament (ALP by 1 with 3 INDs and a GRN) - Sunbert
Hung Parliament (ALP by 1 with 3 INDs) - Nudge
Hung Parliament (Coalition by 2 with 3 INDs) - Tulmurius
Coalition by 3 - NathMelb
Coalition by 4 - winston, rosco
Coalition by 5 - MrM
Coalition by 6 - Oswald
Coalition by 7 - Wik, Grug
Coalition by 8 - Ignoramus Maximus, commonwombat
Coalition by 9 - TheRealDeal
Coalition by 12 - dibo, Morgan North
Coalition by 10 - Spydy
Coalition by 15 - Tamazoid, Jimoin
Coalition by 18 - what4
Coalition by 38 - Kewpid

“What4″ was the closest to the Coalition by 27 seats.

Margo Kingston also sponsored an election tipping competition. Again, the winner was an outlier in the spread of tips, and almost all predicted either a Labor win, a significantly reduced Liberal majority win, or a hung parliament.

Perhaps the most unusual prediction goes to Ed Tamplin, an election astrologer. He wrote in September 2004,

The election doesn’t look like ending on October 9 2004. Australia could well be left with a government who cannot effectively govern due to a loss of power in the Senate, and/or an insufficient majority in the House of Representatives. Howard also has to contend with an eclipse pattern that has repeatedly seen Australian leaders taken from office, along with the fact that his own political career has now traversed a complete Saturn cycle. Even his deputy is biting at his heels. Win or lose, it seems to be the end of the road for John Howard, whose rise, fall and rise to power has left astrologers with a whole new take on Pluto. Borrowing Howard’s own self-description, Sun/Pluto is now unequivocally “Lazarus with a triple bypass”.

In summary, as with the Senate, few anticipated the scale of the Coalition win.

Senate round up

Bryan · Tuesday 2 November 2004 · 7:22 am

With the exception of Victoria, the Australian Electoral Commission has finished the Senate counting. The results (post 1 July 2005) look like:

  Coalition Labor Greens Family First Democrats
NSW 3 3 0 0 0
Vic 3 2 0 1 0
Qld 4 2 0 0 0
SA 3 3 0 0 0
WA 3 2 1 0 0
Tas 3 2 1 0 0
ACT 1 1 0 0 0
NT 1 1 0 0 0
Newly elected 21 16 2 1 0
Continuing 18 12 2 0 4
Total 39 28 4 1 4

So how did the pundits perform?

My performance was poor. My first prediction, assuming the Coalition got a majority in the House, was (plus or minus two for the Coalition, Labor and the Greens)

  Coalition Labor Greens Family First Democrats
Total 37 29 6 0 4

So not exactly what I predicted, but within the error margins I gave myself. However, my second prediction, made once the voting tickets had been published, was off the mark. I underestimated the Coalition’s performance and overestimated the Greens.

  Coalition Labor Greens Family First Democrats
Range 32-38 26-30 4-9 0-3 4
Likely total 37 29 5 1 4

Malcolm Mackerras performed much the same as I did.

  Coalition Labor Greens Family First Democrats
Total 37 29 5 1 4

Charles Richardson from Crikey performed even poorer.

  Coalition Labor Greens Family First Democrats Ind.
Total 35 26 8 2 4 1

You would have to say no-one anticipated the scale of the Coalition victory in the Senate.

A new home for palmer’s web log

Bryan · Monday 1 November 2004 · 10:17 pm

The blog that was once here is now here.

You might want to update your bookmark.

Note: I am still having some difficulties with the CSS for Firefox. It works well for IE and Opera, but the CSS for the rap div does not appear to activate using the Firefox browser. It should set the background to white and put a one pixel blue border. Neither happens with Firefox. Any suggestions would be greatly appreciated. you can view the CSS from the CSS validation page.